U.S. and
Iran:
Odd
Bedfellows in Fight Against ISIS
By ROBIN WRIGHT
The enemy of
our enemy may not always be our friend. But when it comes to fighting Islamic
State, even an old rival has become a de facto ally: Both the
United States and Iran are bombing ISIS targets in Iraq.
And, in one of
the oddest turns of the new war, the Iranians are using American warplanes to
bomb ISIS targets–vintage F-4 Phantoms sold to the monarchy before the 1979
revolution, according to analysis of video by Jane’s Defense Weekly.
The Iranian airstrikes began late last month in eastern Diyala province, the
ISIS-held area closest to the Iranian border.
Equally
striking, in another sense, was the summit of 60 nations Wednesday in
Brussels to develop a joint road map in confronting Islamic State, also
known as ISIS or ISIL. Top officials came from as far away as Australia,
Iceland and Korea. But Iran, which shares a 900-mile border with Iraq, was not
invited.
The Saudis
have been particularly insistent that Iran, a rival for hegemony in the Persian
Gulf and in the Islamic world, is not included in diplomatic efforts on either
Iraq or Syria.
Tehran is the
conundrum in developing a viable strategy against ISIS. The 60-nation coalition
does not want to deploy troops in Iraq or Syria to fight ISIS. But Iran
has—openly. Since Islamist militants began seizing territory in June, Iran
played a pivotal role in aiding the two Kurdish pesh merga militias and the
three Shiite militias that have fought ISIS on the ground after four battalions
of the U.S.-trained Iraqi army disintegrated in June. Although it once
supported Iraq’s former prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, whose autocratic
and sectarian rule created today’s crisis, Tehran has become an ally of Mr.
Maliki’s successor, Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi.
Gen. Qasem
Soleimani, commander of the elite Qods Force wing of the Revolutionary Guards,
has been unusually visible in battlefield photographs with various fighters.
And Baghdad has acknowledged that Tehran has provided war materiel. So, Iran
has taken on a role that the U.S. and its allies didn’t want to assume.
Both
Washington and Tehran have denied that they are coordinating military strategy.
Both defer to Iraq, which has control over its airspace–and the right to allow
both countries to target ISIS militants.
Secretary of
State John Kerry indicated on Wednesday that
Washington is not totally opposed to the Iranian airstrikes. “I think it’s
self-evident that if Iran is taking on ISIL in some particular place, and it’s
confined to taking on ISIL, and it has an impact, the net effect is positive,”
he said at a news conference in Brussels. Iran’s airstrikes could mean fewer
targets for the U.S.-led coalition.
But the common
concerns break down over Syria, where both countries want to defeat ISIS.
The U.S. and
its allies say that President Bashar al-Assad no longer has the right
to rule after almost four years of a ruthless war that has killed more than
200,000 people and driven almost half of Syria’s 22 million residents to
abandon their homes for other areas or to flee Syria altogether.
But Iran is
Mr. Assad’s closest ally, and Revolutionary Guards and Hezbollah, the
Iranian-backed militia in Lebanon, have reportedly played key roles in fighting
moderate rebels supported by the U.S. and other Western powers.
Iran, as the
region’s largest Shiite country, also interjects a sectarian dimension into
both the Iraq and Syria crises, where the status of Sunni communities is a
political flash point in the multi-sided conflict.
The Pentagon
is particularly concerned about the byproducts of Iran’s involvement in the
war. “Our message to Iran is the same today as when it started,” Rear Admiral
John F. Kirby, the Pentagon spokesman, said Tuesday. “We want nothing to be
done that further inflames sectarian tensions in the country.”
The United
States and Iran may not have reached a deal on Tehran’s controversial nuclear
program last week. But the rise of ISIS has given them some common cause—and
even produced similar military responses.
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